As Nigeria approaches another electoral year, citizens are still threatened by the fangs of rising insecurity caused by the increasing number of non-state actors. It is also a moment when political tension often rises and spreads.
In this interview, Mercy Ehi Idris-Etanami, a security expert and institutional governance analyst, provides insights into how Nigeria can navigate, overcome, and rise above these heightened challenges.
Ms Idris-Etanami also talked about women’s participation in elections and the UN Women’s 35% Affirmative Action benchmark for Nigeria
Preparations for the 2027 general elections are on top gear. What is your assessment of the security situation?
The security environment remains volatile and uneven. While the Federal Government has intensified operations against banditry, terrorism, and kidnapping in some theatres, other areas still face persistent threats. The main concern for 2027 is the convergence of insecurity with political mobilisation. If left unchecked, armed groups and criminal networks could be leveraged by political actors, undermining public confidence and turnout.
President Bola Tinubu recently appointed a Special Adviser for Homeland Security. Do you think the appointment has anything to do with the rising security tension in the country?
I believe it does. The creation of the Office of the Special Adviser on Homeland Security is a structural response to the reality that Nigeria’s internal security challenges have outgrown the existing architecture. It signals intent to improve intelligence-driven coordination and reduce duplication among agencies. Whether it translates to impact will depend on mandate clarity, resourcing, and inter-agency cooperation.
Nigeria is currently standing at a delicate crossroad of dealing with a myriad of security and safety threats. Do you think the security architecture on ground is sufficient to tackle the challenges?
In its current form, I would say no. The architecture is overstretched and fragmented. Security agencies often operate in silos, and intelligence sharing remains weak and uncoordinated. They seem overwhelmed and not well equipped for the realities on ground. We need capable personnel, and the system lacks the agility and integration needed for threats that cross state lines and agency mandates.
How do you think the security architecture can be repositioned to address these issues and improve the safety condition?
A good way to start would be to centralize coordination and empower the Homeland Security office to harmonize operations and set clear performance metrics. Furthermore, invest in intelligence and technology; move from reactive deployments to predictive policing and data-driven responses and lastly, strengthen community engagement. Local communities are the first line of information. Trust-building and formalised community policing models can close intelligence gaps.
Electoral violence has been a consistent challenge in Nigeria’s political landscape. With the current situation, what is your projection of the likelihood or otherwise of such circumstances in 2027?
The risk remains moderate to high, particularly in areas with weak state presence and a history of political thuggery. If insecurity is not contained and if political parties fail to rein in supporters, we will see localized violence around primaries, campaigns, and collation centers. Early warning and early response systems must be operationalized now.
The political climate is widely divided and highly segmented. What do you think would happen during the campaign period?
Expect heightened rhetoric and targeted mobilisation along identity lines. Social media will amplify both mobilisation and disinformation. Without proactive regulation and civic education, the risk is that campaigns focus on division rather than policy. INEC, security agencies, and civil society must coordinate to monitor hotspots.
Do you think we have adequate security measures in place to tackle electoral violence?
Not quite. The police and other agencies have election security plans, but implementation is inconsistent across states. We need pre-positioned rapid response units, better training on election-specific threats, and clear protocols for the use of force that protect voters and election officials.
The police have gotten a new IG, and since his emergence, opinions in some quotas say that security has improved. What’s your thought on that?
I agree that leadership matters, a new IG can reset morale, priorities, and accountability. There are early signs of improved operational focus in some commands. However, sustainable improvement requires institutional reforms beyond personnel changes – better welfare, equipment, and civilian oversight.
There are still many communities across some states in Nigeria that are either operating as ungoverned spaces or largely inaccessible, would you say that the current security measures can adequately ensure their safety to exercise their franchise in the 2027 election?
Not without targeted intervention. In ungoverned or hard-to-reach areas, the state’s presence is minimal, and voter intimidation is a real risk. A one-size-fits-all deployment won’t work. We need tailored plans involving community leaders, mobile polling units and local peace committees.
What do you think the government can do to upscale the safety of such communities?
The government can deploy multi-agency task forces ahead of elections to secure predetermined hotspots and polling locations. They can also partner with traditional and community leaders for early warning and conflict mediation while ensuring logistics and funding reach frontline units on time to avoid deployment delays.
What is the significance of UN Women’s 35% Affirmative Action benchmark for Nigeria?
The 35% Affirmative Action policy is not just a quota it’s a recognition that women’s exclusion weakens governance and security outcomes. UN Women promotes this benchmark because evidence shows that when women participate in decision-making, policies become more responsive to community needs, especially in health, education, and conflict prevention. For Nigeria, meeting 35% in elective and appointive positions would help close the gap between policy commitments and practice, and improve the legitimacy of our institutions
Nigeria has struggled to meet the 35% Affirmative Action target. What are the main barriers, and how can they be addressed?
The barriers are tripatite – structural, cultural, and financial. Structurally, party nomination processes often sideline women. Culturally, gender norms discourage women from running for office. Financially, the cost of campaigns is prohibitive for many women candidates.
How does women’s political participation connect to security and peacebuilding in Nigeria?
From a security perspective, increasing women’s participation to at least 35% means more diverse intelligence, better community trust, and more sustainable peace agreements. Women are central to both conflict prevention and recovery. In communities affected by banditry and terrorism, women are often the first to identify early warning signs and mediate local disputes. Yet they are underrepresented at negotiation tables.
Why is active youth participation critical for the credibility of the 2027 general elections?
Young people make up over 60% of Nigeria’s voting population. When youth are engaged as voters, monitors, and candidates, elections reflect the realities of the majority. Beyond numbers, youth bring innovation in civic tech, social media mobilization, and grassroots organizing that can improve turnout and transparency. If we exclude them, we risk producing outcomes that don’t address unemployment, education, and security the issues young Nigerians care about most.
What can political parties, INEC, and civil society do to ensure meaningful youth engagement before and during the 2027 elections?
Political parties should institutionalize youth quotas in party executives and candidate lists, not just as token appointments. INEC can expand continuous voter registration drives on campuses, simplify accreditation for youth-led observer groups, and use digital tools to counter misinformation. The goal is to move the youth from being spectators and campaign foot soldiers to being policy influencers and active stakeholders.
What advice would you give to politicians on the conduct of campaigns and the elections?
I would advise them to run on policy, not provocation. Disown violent supporters publicly and early. Respect the electoral code of conduct and use party structures to de-escalate tensions. Credible elections require credible behavior from those seeking office and their supporters.
Any final comments?
The upcoming 2027 elections are a critical juncture for Nigeria. It will test whether we can properly align security, good governance, and civic participation. The challenges are clear, but so are the opportunities; I believe that with targeted reforms, credible leadership, and active citizen engagement, Nigeria can turn these challenges into a chance for lasting transformative change.
Security alone won’t guarantee credible polls, but without it nothing else matters. I urge the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), stakeholders, politicians, security agencies, civil society, and citizens to prioritize peace, inclusivity, and accountability. The window for preventive action is now. Together, we can build a safer, more representative, and prosperous Nigeria.